Abril 13, 2026

Noticias

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Tomorrow, a federal judge will sentence Nadine Menendez, the wife of imprisoned former Senator Bob Menendez, for corruption charges for which she was found guilty in April.

U.S. District Judge Sidney Stein, the same judge who sentenced Bob Menendez to 11 years in prison, faces dueling requests. Prosecutors asked the judge to sentence Nadine Menendez to eight years in prison; Nadine Menendez and her attorneys asked for a sentence of one year and one day, citing her youth in war-torn Lebanon and her breast cancer diagnosis.

The two Menendezes, alongside a trio of North Jersey businessmen, were charged in 2023 with a wide-ranging corruption scheme involving cash bribes and gifts in exchange for influence in Washington. Nadine Menendez was charged with facilitating connections between her husband and his bribers, and she benefited financially from the transactions, most infamously a Mercedes-Benz.

In a letter to the judge, her lawyers said a lengthy sentence would “obliterate” any opportunity to properly treat her breast cancer. Prosecutors told the judge they would not oppose a delayed surrender date to allow her to undergo recommended treatment and surgeries, according to the New York Times.

The post Thursday is sentencing day for Nadine Menendez appeared first on New Jersey Globe.

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State Sen. Jon Bramnick (R-Westfield) is a prominent trial lawyer – some say the funniest one – but he recently learned a lesson about mistaken identity.

On July 1, Bramnick was issued a summons for abandoning his vehicle on private property in Palisades Park.  The senator had an alibi: he was at the Jersey Shore that day, and he had some witnesses.

He learned of the offense when he received a letter from the municipal court saying that he’d failed to appear in court.

Spoiler alert: Bramnick is an innocent man.

When the police officer wrote the summons, there was no license plate on the abandoned vehicle.  Because the system required a plate number, Dong simply entered XX.

But XX is Bramnick’s license plate number.  He said it was ok to write that.

“That should never have been issued,” said Serina Ruberto, the municipal court administrator.  “But we can’t take it out of the system without the judge, and he’ll be in tomorrow.”

Right now, technically, the former Republican gubernatorial candidate is an alleged scofflaw until Judge Joseph J. Rotolo orders Bramnick’s ticket stricken from the record.

The post Bramnick and a case of mistaken identity appeared first on New Jersey Globe.

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Rep. Mikie Sherrill’s (D-Montclair) campaign for governor launched a Spanish-language ad on Wednesday. 

The ad, titled enfrentará (“to confront”), comes in four versions — 30 seconds and 15 seconds, each in English and Spanish. The campaign said it has launched a “six-figure” digital and radio campaign, which is part of a broader, seven-figure effort to reach Latino voters in the state.

“Mikie will take on anybody — from special interests to her own party and Donald Trump — to deliver for New Jersey families,” said Sherrill campaign manager Alex Ball. “She is the only candidate in this race with a real plan to fight for our state and lower costs for New Jersey families.”

The ad features Angel Quiles, a 22-year veteran of the U.S. Army who retired as a master sergeant and school board vice president in Garfield. Quiles said Sherrill is unafraid to fight anybody, including President Donald Trump, and said she’ll create a “public report” to show how the state uses tax dollars.

English spot script:

[Angel Quiles, retired U.S. Army] We need a governor who will fight for New Jersey. Mikie Sherrill was a Navy pilot, a federal prosecutor, and she’s a mother of four. She’s not afraid of anybody, not even Donald Trump. Mikie will create a public report to show how the state is using our tax dollars. She’ll increase mental health counselors in our schools, and she’ll take on the utility companies that are ripping us off. Porque ya basta.

[Mikie Sherrill] I’m Mikie Sherrill, and I’ll always fight for New Jersey.

(“Porque ya basta” translates to “enough is enough.”)

The post Sherrill releases Spanish-language spot appeared first on New Jersey Globe.

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The Supreme Court’s so-called “shadow docket” is not a new phenomenon. The justices have long considered cases on an emergency basis. However, the practice has gained greater significance since Donald Trump’s Presidency.

What Is the Shadow Docket?

The Supreme Court’s emergency docket is separate from its regular merits docket. It is generally reserved for emergent matters that require immediate Court intervention, such as staying an execution, halting a deportation, or preventing implementation of a lower court order. For instance, cases often involve emergency requests for a stay, which is a temporary suspension of a lower court order and is intended to prevent irreparable harm while a case proceeds through the courts.

Unlike a typical Supreme Court case, emergency matters are decided without full briefing and oral argument. In many cases, they are decided without a written opinion explaining the Court’s reasoning. Summary orders also typically don’t list how each justice voted. Hence, the term “shadow docket,” which University of Chicago law professor William Baude coined in 2015.

Rise in Emergency Matters Before the Court

The Supreme Court’s shadow docket has come under scrutiny in recent years, largely because of its exponential growth and the role it has played in deciding controversial issues like voting rights, abortion, and immigration. In the 2023-24 term, there were 44 matters on the emergency docket. In the 2024-25 term, the list grew to 113 matters.

While executions and deportation orders still comprise a large portion of the Court’s emergency matters, the shadow docket has been increasingly used to address challenges to presidential orders and actions. Since the end of the term, the justices have issued several rulings concerning legal challenges to actions by President Donald Trump. The majority have been 6-3 rulings, with Justices Sonia Sotomayor, Elena Kagan, and Ketanji Brown Jackson dissenting.

  • In Trump v. American Federation of Government Employees, the Court stayed a preliminary injunction preventing the firings of government employees in many federal agencies.
  • In McMahon v. New York, the justices lifted a district court’s preliminary injunction preventing mass terminations at the Department of Education.
  • In Trump v. Boyle, the Supreme Court overturned a preliminary injunction halting the firing of three members of the Consumer Product Safety Commission who were protected from removal except when there was “cause” for firing.

The rise in emergency rulings is also fueling confusion regarding whether shadow docket rulings should be regarded as binding precedent. Merits decisions issued by a majority of the Court carry precedential weight, which means that they determine the outcome of future cases involving the same issues. However, non-merits orders have traditionally not been treated as binding on the lower courts.

Critics have also raised concern about the Court abandoning long-standing precedent without full briefing or oral argument. Justice Kagan wrote a dissent in Trump v. Wilcox, joined by Justices Sotomayor and Jackson, lamenting that “[o]ur emergency docket, while fit for some things, should not be used to overrule or revise existing law.” She explained that the Court’s ruling “allows the President to overrule Humphrey’s by fiat.”

Critics also contend that the shadow docket allows the justices to make consequential (and often controversial) decisions without the public scrutiny typically associated with its merits cases. The lack of oral arguments and written decisions also makes it challenging for the public and legal scholars to analyze the Court’s reasoning. As Professor Erwin Chemerinsky wrote on SCOTUSblog, “’Because I said so’ never is persuasive or satisfying. And it certainly should not be regarded as acceptable when it is the Supreme Court resolving important issues – even matters of life and death – without the slightest explanation.”

So, what’s the solution, assuming there is one?

To start, the Court could be more transparent by issuing full opinions, particularly when significant legal issues are at stake or precedent is being reconsidered. If justices can write lengthy dissents, writing a majority opinion doesn’t seem like a particularly big ask. The justices could also be more restrictive when considering what cases to decide on an emergency basis. In many recent matters brought before the Court by the Trump Administration, critics of the shadow docket contend that the harm to the government in delaying Supreme Court relief until the case can be heard on the merits would be minimal.

While legislation has been introduced to address the shadow docket, it has failed to advance. Congressional action remains unlikely in today’s political climate. Accordingly, the Court would likely have to impose these restrictions on itself. With the emergency docket poised to continue to play a significant role next term, all eyes will be on the justices.

The post Scarinci: The Mysterious SCOTUS Shadow Docket appeared first on New Jersey Globe.

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